POWER RELATION BETWEEN TAREKAT QADIRIYAH WANAQSYABANDIYAH (TAREKAT CUKIR) AND PARTAI PERSATUAN PEMBANGUNAN (PPP) IN JOMBANG, EAST JAVA

Tarekat teaches its followers not to glorify conglomerates, to keep their distance from leader, and to live in a way of zuhud, includingin the matters of politics. But the Tarekat Qa>diriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah in Cukir Jombang was actually involved in practical politics as a supporter of Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP). This paper, which was written in the form of ethnographic design according to the concept of the power relations of Foucault to find new perspectives about the actions of Tarekat communities in politics, in this case explaining the pattern of relations that occurred between the Tarekat Cukir and PPP and discovering the factors causing Tarekat Cukir to support PPP. This paper concludes that between Tarekat Cukir and PPP, there is a mutually beneficial pattern of relations in terms of proximity, but in terms of economic politics, the Tarekat Cukir feels disadvantaged. The dominant


Introduction
Tarekat is the name given to a Muslim community usually in the order of Sufism. Tarekat Qa> diriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah is a local Tarekat developed by Sheikh Ahmad Khathib as-Sambasy from Sambas, Kalimantan. By the contribution of the three representatives (Caliphs): Abdul Karim from Banten, Ahmad Tholhah from Cirebon and Muhammad Hasbullah from Madura, 1 Tarekat Qa> diriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah were spread widely throughout in the Nusantara. Mashar stated that one of Tarekat Qa> diriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah whose development was quite rapid was located in the village of Cukir (Tarekat Cukir) Jombang, East Java. 2 Tarekat Cukir was originally a branch of Tarekat Qa> diriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah Rejoso (Tarekat Rejoso), who then took steps to separate and establish it independently. 3 Tarekat Cukir traditionalizes the ritual of reading the Kita> b Mana> qib; a book about the greatness of Sheikh 'Abdu'l Qa> dir al-Ji> la> ni> which teaches the Tarekat not to glorify the conglomerates, and keep their distance from leader of goverment. 4 Tarekat Cukir also teaches the congregation to focus on the affairs of the here after, closer to Allah to the level of al-ih} sa> n. 5 They are also taught to live in the way of zuhud, 6 away from worldly matters, including political matters. On the other hand, Tarekat Cukir, which was founded in 1978, is actively involved in practical politics as a strong supporter of the Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) until now. In fact, Tarekat Cukir is also related to Jombang District Leader, and is involved in political affairs to support one of the candidates in the 2018 Jombang Regency Leader Election.
However, in historical dynamics, there was a fluctuating relationship between NU and PPP. In the NU Congress in Situbondo 1984 resulted a decision to returned to the 1926 khittah, in the sense that NU no longer practiced politics. This disillusioned PPP and impacted the heat of relations between actors within Tarekat Cukir internally, although in the end, they became the basis of PPP followers. In the case of the 2013 Jombang Regent Election, both parties compactly supported the candidate they were carrying. But in the 2018 Jombang Regent Election case, both parties were involved in a conflict because of differing views on the candidate for regent. The PPP carries its own candidate, while Tarekat Cukir escorts and supports an incumbent from Golkar. Then the two were involved in a conflict, but Tarekat Cukir still could not be separated from PPP.
The example of the case above appearance an indication of pulling from both parties, each party influencing each other, trying to dominate, even reinforcing or mutually contradicting, as explained by Foucault as a power relation. 8 Power here is understood as a complex strategy in a society with certain equipment, maneuvers, techniques, and mechanisms. Clearly, power can be said to be more operational than possessed. Power is not a privilege obtained or maintained by the dominant class, but is a 7 Moch. Nurhasim (ed.), "Stagnasi Electoral Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP)", Masa depan Partai Islam di Indonesia: Studi tentang Volatilitas Electoral dan Faktor-Faktor Penyebabnya (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar & LIPI, 2016), p. 194. 8 Michel Foucault, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interview and Other Writings 1972-1977(New York: Pantheon Books, 1980 result of its overall strategic position. 9 This paper presents a study of Tarekat Cukir to complement the description of the development of it in relation to the politics in Indonesia. This is related to the importance of examining the impact of globalization on Islamic discourse and movements in Indonesia today. 10 Moreover, the existence of local Islam in the era of globalization is in a global village network. The world is just the same as a village, which becomes a meeting place for various socio-cultural aspects. 11 It affects the abating of geographic obtacles between countries and also has implications for the opening of social and religious resistance.
Studies on the theme of political Tarekat have been carried out by some researchers. Chabib focuses on internal politics between Santri 12 and Mursyid, 13 and not discussing their relations with other political communities. Mu'min, 14 examines the profile of the elite Tarekat Qa> diriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah in Kudus who became a strong follower of the Golkar party during the Orde Baru. But he did not explain the character of their relationship. While, the examination of Ziadi 15 is focusing on the practice of Sufism political Tarekat Nahdlatul Wathan in Lombok which is principally based on the concept of maslah} ah} , and does not discuss its relationship with political parties.
The study of the Tarekat community that supports certain candidates in the General Election was conducted by Arsyad,16 Sadri,et.al.,17 and Setiyawati. 18 None of these writings indicate a relationship with a political party. However, there are at least some motivations underlying the Tarekat to support certain candidates. First, preaching for good. Second, kinship between the elite. Third, regional relations. Fourth, personal interests in the form of material (economy).
While the study of political Tarekat in Jombang appearance some motivation. Nur Syam's study focused on the views of the jamaah about the affiliation between Tarekat Cukir and PPP. Nur Syam's writing resulted that choosing PPP for Tarekat Cukir is an ijtima> 'i> requirement. 19 While the some researchers focused on how the relations between the two communities worked. Endang Turmudi studies Kiai's leadership in East Java. This study is too broad, so it requires a more specific discussion. 20 Sujuthi studies about three Tarekat communities in Jombang, especially Tarekat Rejoso, Tarekat Kedinding Lor and Tarekat Cukir, in their relation to the state and society. 21 This paper is still a preliminary understanding of Tarekat's third work in relation to political parties and their response to the Orde Baru government. In addition, the text does not focus on one Tarekat. Bruinessen the Islamic movement. 22 Of the four writings, all of them were written in the the era of Orde Baru, so there needs to be a new study of Tarekat Cukir so that there is no disconnection of information and knowledge.
Some of the studies above have not linked it with power relation theory, because it is a theory that developed in the socio-political sciences. This theory sees mans not merely as objects affected by structure, but also has the freedom and even determines structure. Therefore, in its relations with other parties, mans are active, creative, and even manipulative agents oriented towards their self-interest. Everyone is equally exercising power to achieve excellence, even though in the process of exercising that power there is someone who is superior and "loses" or succumbs, but is only temporary. 23 Because power is dynamic and it does not belong to certain elites, but exercised by all individuals and it produces something real, produces fields and rites of truth. Individuals and knowledge continue the production. 24

The Genealogy of Power Relations
The term of "power" in this paper is defined by Focault as, first, various kinds of power relations, which are immanent in the field of power relations that apply, and are the forming elements and their organizations. Second, a game which by the way of endless struggle changes, strengthens, and turns it around. Third, the various power relations that support each other so as to form a series or system, disparity, and contradictions that isolate each other. Fourth, the strategy by which power relations have an impact, and its general design or crystallization within institutions manifest in the state apparatus, the formulation of the law, and social hegemony. 25  Power and knowledge cannot be separated, because truth/ knowledge is never outside of power or does not have power, but rather to be in power. Thus, there are no power relations that are not related to the formation of a field of knowledge, and there is no knowledge that does not presuppose and at the same time form a power relationship. The knowledge that continues to give birth to the effect of the power of knowledge, is nothing but a relation of power itself. 26 Moreover, knowledge itself is something that is seen as true by certain communities of people, and with certain strategies, the actors build trust through language, scientific discourse and the institutions that produce it, and "force" others to accept it.

The Dependence of Santri toward the Mursyid
Tarekat Cukir's choice of PPP cannot be separated from the power relations that happened internally within the community. Tarekat Cukir is a reproduction institution of knowledge, including Tarekat knowledge in the form of manners governing the Mursyid and Santri according to their position and their relation, as stated in the guidance book of Tarekat. 27 Reproduction of knowledge is usually conveyed at events on a smaller scale, specifically in their respective areas through the Caliph. 28 So that the program "Senenan" which is held once a week at the Tarekat Cukir, no longer discusses the material. These manners are made to reconstruct and normalize individuals through discipline and control which aims to create Santri who are obedient to the authorities and are willing to accept social and spiritual control. Then, obedient will eventually lead to power. 29 The emergence of a civilized relation system, Santri will know that submission 26  and obedience to Mursyid is one way to achieve their goals. For Mursyid, self-discipline and normalizing the etiquette is intended so that he has a character similar to the Muhammad SAW, both in spiritual and behavior. As for Santri, it is intended to have a character similar to the companions of the him. The relationship between Mursyid and Santri is assumed to be a relationship between the Sahabat 30 and Muhammad SAW. Kiai Mad, during the procession of baiat, 31 explained that the sitting position was like the tah} iyya> t akhi> r position in salat. 32 The explanation is repeated every time because in Monday there is sure to be a new jamaah, and that must be explained. This has implications for the attitude of the jamaah towards Mursyid as politely as possible, as the attitude of the Sahabat towards the figure of Muhammad SAW.
The Santri also believe that Mursyid knows and always controls Santri everyday, including the routine of zikir. 33 The Santri always feels that his Mursyid is present in themself, especially when carrying out rābit} ah which is performed after salat. Rābit} ah is an activity who connects self to the spiritual of Mursyid, and then connects to Allah SWT. 34 This activity can be social and spiritual control for Santri. Likewise, for the Mursyid, he always felt supervised by his deceased Mursyid. Kiai Mad, told about his mystical experience, in an activity to baiat, he saw the deceased Kiai Adlan Aly also present for watching. Besides being supervised by his deceased Mursyid, they also feel always watched by Allah SWT. 35 In other words, every gesture of Santri and Mursyid are not spared from monitoring and controlling both of them. 30 Sahabat is one who saw the prophet Muhammad and believed in him and died as a Muslim. 31 Baiat is an agreement to give obedience. 32 Interview with Kiai Mad, on October 15, 2018 in the Great Mosque of Cukir Jombang. Kiai Mad or Kiai Ahmad Sholihudin is a Rais and also a Mursyid in Tarekat Cukir. 33 Zikir is a way to remember all the greatness and power of Allah. 34 Interview with Kiai Mad, on October 15, 2018. 35 Ibid.
This relation is seen as a tradition that has survived from one generation to another generation as a form of practice of Sahabat who depend on the Muhammad SAW's guidance at the time. In this case, the courtesy of a Santri to Mursyid is manifested in a true love. 36 The love of Santris of Tarekat Cukir for their Mursyid manifests in the form of obedience which results in spiritual and social behavior. Spiritual obedience, seen in their obedience in doing spiritual, such as zikir jahr and zikir sirr according to the Mursyid's instructions. While, social obedience manifests in the form of their tendency towards PPP as the message or will of the deceased Mursyid. In this case, Kiai Maftuh explained, Kiai Adlan had advised the jamaah to vote for PPP, provided the party existed. Conversely, if the PPP no longer exists, the jamaah is advised to vote another party as long as it is based on Islam. 37 Kiai Maftuh also practices compliance by actively participating in PKB. But by his father he was ordered to return to PPP. According to Kiai Maftuh, the order was personally, there were no specific orders for jamaah to follow him. 38 The founders of the Tarekat Cukir were people who had militancy to PPP. 39 In this context, Kiai Makki Ma'shoem-a Mursyid of Tarekat Cukir-once argued in the Congress of Jam'iyyah Ahlith Thoriqoh Al-Mu'tabaroh An-Nahdliyyah) JATMAN XX (2000) in Pekalongan. He said that Santri's obedience to his Mursyid was not only religious but also political matters. It's problem arises because of the new reality of socio-political developments in Indonesia as a result of Reformasi policies marked by freedom of expression. As a result, many new parties with Islamic labels, such as PKB and PKS. PKB was also formed as a forum 36  for the political aspirations of NU communities. While PPP, which also has a mass base of NU, is increasingly marginalized. It's a difference not only supported by the factors of religious arguments but also supported by the political interests of the parties on the debate.
The parties who supported the opinion about the obligation of a Santri to follow the political choices of his Mursyid were Kiai Abdurrahman Badawi from Tarekat  Kiai Adlan once explained about his existence at PPP, if only the Santri were wanted to keep meeting him. 41 In the current context, if the jamaah of Tarekat Cukir wishes to preserve their spiritual relationship with Kiai Adlan, they should be voting for PPP. This statement was also confirmed by Kiai Maftuh, if Santri had different choices with Mursyid, including in politics, his spiritual relationship could be disconnected. The basis of this belief is sourced from the book of manaqib about the history of the greatness of Sheikh 'Abdu'l-Qa> dir al-Ji> la> ni: "wa'l-mukha> lafat sababu'l-fira> q." 42 In different language, Kiai AA said that choosing PPP was in accordance with Kiai 'Adlan Aly's message as one of the founders of the Tarekat Cukir and PPP activist. He said as long as the PPP is based on Islam it must be sustained. However, if there is a shortage at the party, there is no need to leave it, instead, it must enter to correct it. 43 It doctrine is gradually reproduced as a cooperation contract, so that Santri always obeys his Mursyid including in the political field. The result was the message of the Mursyid founder of the Tarekat Cukir so that the jamaah choose PPP to be understood rigidly so that the political choice referred to the PPP. 44 Furthermore, at this time, jamaah seeks to do so by choosing PPP as respect and obedience.
Tarekat Cukir has two Mursyids who used to baiat, namely Kiai Mad as Mursyid and Kiai Maftuh as a substitute for Mursyid if the main Mursyid is unable to come, and both of them has a different habit. Kiai Mad is more concerned to spiritual matters; da'wah to young community and inviting them to zikir. Kiai Mad also carried out baiat and khususiyah routines in his village of Brangkal. He has wisdom, ruqyah, and other mystical abilities. He distanced from politics, even though he was part of PPP.
In contrast, Kiai Maftuh was often involved in political activities, starting to be a member of the Dewan Pengurus Cabang (DPC) and the Dewan Pengurus Wilayah (DPW) PPP Jombang. Kiai Maftuh also appeared as an expert in spiritual cultivation. Many people come to share about family problems to find a solution to him. Spiritual guidance, in the form of mura> qabah, was also carried out in his house Mojowarno, mainly on Monday before he left for Cukir to attend the "Senenan" routine.
The different political interests of the two Mursyids affect the political attitude of the jamaah. Some of them are of the view that they are neutral towards political affairs and prioritize the affairs of eschatologies. It's a reflection of Kiai Mad's attitude in politics. Neutralin this context-is defined as not focusing too much on political matters.
As revealed by Sunari, a jamaah who came from Kediri for "Senenan" event at the Cukir Great Mosque, that his participation in Tarekat was to closer Allah SWT. 45 Some of them are interested in political affairs, as a reflection of the behavior of Kiai Maftuh who is often involved in practical politics. But in general, political matters are seen as private matters. The jamaah is believed to have understood that political affairs have become a private domain. This opinion is also reinforced by Gus H,46 as an part of Tarekat Cukir and PPP in Jombang. He said the Tarekat affair was more important than the temporal political affair. 47 Based on the description above, it can be understood that the Santris' obedience to the Mursyid in the Tarekat Cukir is solely to obtain the spiritual virtues. Therefore, even though the Mursyid politically tends to PPP, the jamaah also follow him. This is a form of obedience and efforts to connect spiritual between Santri and Mursyid even though it is not explicitly required.

The Will to Dominate
In 2008, Tarekat Cukir out from JATMAN member. Kiai Maftuh proposed Tarekat Cukir as an independent institution called "Thoriqoh al-Mu'tabaroh Qodiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah an Nahdliyah", and was legally registered under the Ministry of Law and Human Rights in 2016.
In political tendencies, the nine founders of Tarekat Cukir active in PPP Jombang. In other words, Tarekat Cukir foundation dominated not only Tarekat but also participant of PPP. The total 38 commitee of the Tarekat, 81% were dominated by PPP, the rest come from PKB, 45 Interview with Sunari, on October 15, 2018 in the Great Mosque of Cukir Jombang. He is one of the jamaah and does not have any position, both in Tarekat Cukir and in PPP. 46 The informant does not want his identity to be revealed. 47 Interview with Gus H on June 06, 2019. He is one of leader of Tarekat Cukir which then also became the official of PPP. academic and neutral backgrounds. 48 Historically, the process of establishing the Tarekat Cukir in 1978 was inseparable from the jamaah whose PPP minded. Since 1978, the dominance of the PPP to Tarekat Cukir has proceeded as a strategy to withstand the pressure of the Orde Baru through a de-ideologization program and the abolishment of political parties. It has forced Islamic parties to be merged into one party: PPP. 49 Meanwhile, Golkar, which is supported by the authorities, with all of its strategies was able to seize some of the Tarekat community which actually had been strongly supported by the people who initially supported the PPP. It seems to have made the NU community in PPP play their strategy to survive by forming a rival Tarekat community in Cukir village. The jamaah of this Tarekat mostly come from Tarekat Rejoso, who does not want to join Golkar. The PPP played out its strategy by persuading NU whose loyalty to PPP was undoubted, and knowledge of Tarekat is reputable. There was an official letter from the NU Jombang number 2095/Kpts/ Tanf/B-I/1978 regarding the formation of the "Thoriqot Al-Mu'tabaroh' a branch of the Jombang. The letter was signed by KH. Najib Wahab as the first Rais, H. Mochammad Baidlowi as the Chairperson, and Drs. Hafidh Ma'shoem as the Secretary. 50 It means, Tarekat Cukir has been dominated by the members of PPP since its birth, and public calls it as Tarekat PPP.
After Orde Baru, PPP played its strategy by including seniors in the Tarekat Cukir as management at PPP or vice versa. Such as, Kiai AA, which was active in PPP, and baiat in Tarekat Cukir later. He was appointed as management of Tarekat Cukir in Ida> rah Ghusniyah, the sub-district level. 51 48 The tendency of following a party based on the statement of Kiai Maftuh, and a cross check to Decree of Officials of PPP Jombang. The dominance of PPP is a symbolic violence. Although by some jamaah considered something natural happens. Because according to them, the suggestion to choose PPP as a testament to the Islamic struggle. However, it is undeniable that there are efforts to change made by Kiai Maftuh. He tried to present himself differently from the previous generation by choosing to be active as PKB management. Despite in the end, he was forced to out and include the management of PPP because pressure from his father. 52 According to Gus JS, the influence of PPP on Tarekat Cukir is historical heritage. The historical heritage, not only reproduced by the internal Tarekat Cukir, but also the PPP. In political perspective, PPP does not want the Tarekat Cukir to be separated from the influence of PPP. The reason is to preserve history and to assign clerics above executive management, because he is the heirs of the struggle of the prophets. 53 In conclusion, the dominance of PPP in the management of the Tarekat Cukir, on one hand, is an effort to bring them closer to the practice of Sufism, but on the other hand, it also causes the image of the Tarekat to be political. This finding reinforces the theory domination is not constant, but it is dynamic, as the basic character of power is diffuse. 54

The Domination of Non-Tarekat PPP in the Legislative
During the Orde Baru, both of members of PPP and Tarekat Cukir were active in the DPR and DPRD, such as, Kiai Syansuri Badawi, Kiai Adlan Aly and Kiai Makki Ma'shoem. This condition is different from the post-reform era, the management of the Tarekat Cukir was unable to get seats in the DPR and DPRD by means of PPP faction. There is only one name that was once a member of the legislature in 1999, and failed in the next period. His name is Nuryanto, Tarekat Cukir's secretary.
According to Kiai Maftuh, Nuryanto's election as a legislative of the PPP Jombang faction was more due to luck. He benefited from the electoral system which prioritizes the serial number. Five years later, the electoral system changed; no longer based on the serial number, but the direct selection model that further emphasizes the individual. Nuryanto volunteered as a candidate for legislative member. However, he is not known among the public, both internally in the Tarekat Cukir and outside. He is better known for his signature than his personality. Nuryanto cannot play his strategy to gain the dominance of votes in legislative elections. Finally, he lost and did not get a seat in the legislative. 55 Politics is a battle for positions between PPP Tarekat and Non Tarekat. But, Kiai Maftuh countered it and said prefers to focus on the spiritual quality of the jamaah. 56 Gus JS also stated that there was no competition between the two parties. According to him, party rules free members and even outside members to nominate themselves as candidates from the PPP. But in fact, from among the PPP members themselves many do not register as legislative candidates, due to the lack of capital that they have. 57 Kiai Maftuh, as a leader of Tarekat Cukir, could nominate himself as a member of the council. Moreover, he could take advantage of charisma his father's name, namely Kiai Makki Ma'shoem who is famous for his militancy as a PPP politician. However, Kiai Maftuh was not interested in getting involved in the struggle for legislative, even he felt more comfortable as a Kiai Tarekat. 58 There are at least two main factors both internal and external, why no one of the Tarekat Cukir leaders is interested in winning legislative seats lately. First, they want to prioritize the affairs of the hereafter and focus more on improving the spiritual quality of their jamaah. Second, weakening economic capital. Third, the quality of his human resources, including the interest of the Mursyid, which is sharper in his closeness than his political instincts.
While external factors, namely the increasingly open competition because party policy provides an opportunity for anyone to register as a legislative candidate even though he is not a PPP cadre. Mental readiness and economic capital are important for the means to advance to become legislative candidates, and this is what the non-Tarekat PPP people present.

Resistances and Conflicts
Kiai Maftuh assume the relationship between Tarekat Cukir and PPP as a coincidence. 59 He was consciously dominated by PPP, therefore he struggled to reverse it or strengthen his position as a spiritual community based on politics based on Islamic teachings and under certain conditions could not be intervened by politics. Tarekat Cukir exercised his power by rejecting the female Regent candidate nominated by PPP in the 2018 Jombang Regent Election. In this case, Kiai Maftuh actually escorted and supported the incumbent candidate of the Jombang Regent from a Golkar party. Whereas PPP has agreed to bring its members forward as one of the candidates, while the presence of Kiai Maftuh himself is active management of PPP. Gus JS stated, Kiai Maftuh's action was no resistance, but a lack of understanding of the party mechanism. In other words, his actions were based on the message he took from Islamic teachings, while Gus JS was based on political interests.
Mundjidah, a district leader candidate is the daughter of KH. Wahab Hasbullah from Tambak Beras Jombang, which was carried by PPP. She has indeed been active in Ikatan Pelajar Puteri Nahdlatul Ulama (IPPNU). Previously, she was active in DPW PPP East Java (SK. DPW PPP East Java 2016). However, Kiai Maftuh did not support her for several reasons. First, individually Mundjidah never made the slightest contribution to the Tarekat Cukir. Second, the Tarekat Cukir has never received significant contributions from PPP organizations. 60 This is reinforced by what was said by Hafidh Ma'shoem that the PPP had never provided material assistance to the Tarekat Cukir community. 61 Third, carrying female candidates is contrary to the ideology adopted by Tarekat Cukir: namely choosing female leaders is not permitted in the Islam. 62 To reinforce his argument, Kiai Maftuh quoted religious propositions, from the general meaning of the hadith Bukhari's about the history of women's leadership. It's commonly used as an interpretation of verses of Qur'an Surat Al-Nisa': 34. For Kiai Maftuh, this was the truth was used as the basis for choosing the regent in the 2018 Jombang Regent Election. Some of the jamaah Tarekat Cukir also acknowledged that they preferred leaders from among men, they did not care about win-lose, the most important thing for them was choose male candidates because of the intention to obey Allah SWT.
The gender factor, as revealed by Kiai Maftuh, was denied by PPP because it was seen as having weaknesses. Gus JS stated that there was another factor behind Kiai Maftuh's refusal. 63 Hafidh Ma'shoem explained the existence of a previous "giving material" factor from incumbent candidates. 64 For Gus JS, the weak point of Kiai Maftuh's argument lies in his commitment in escorting and supporting the Nyono Suharli-Mundjidah pair in the 2013 Jombang Regent Election. Because, the male regent was unable to attend, of course, the one who replaced him would be the female regent representative, 65 and it is proven that when the regent was caught by the KPK, Mundjidah automatically replaced him as regent.
Regarding this criticism, especially related to the issue of moral duty, Kiai Maftuh played his strategy by silence. Yet the problem of "property" for the Tarekat is still seen as taboo and far from the attitude of zuhud. Kiai Maftuh also seemed reluctant to explain who supported this move, both of the Tarekat Cukir and the PPP. 66 But from the content of the informants' conversation, Kiai Ikhsan was seen supported Kiai Maftuh's view.
In other words, it's a temporal conflict between the PPP and the leader of Tarekat Cukir. Because PPP needs support from Tarekat Cukir, especially for the interests of the five-year electoral politics. While Tarekat Cukir also needs PPP as an effort to the will of the founders to choose PPP. It can be said, the relation between them is a mutual pattern. But, in certain conditions, for example economically and politically, it is not profitable for Tarekat Cukir.

Conclusion
Based on the descriptions above-in the Tarekat perspective-the relations between Tarekat Cukir and PPP are mutual. But economically, the Tarekat Cukir felt that they had never benefited and had been used for political purposes. Thus, the relationship between them, occurs in a process of interdependence, mutual influence, to dominate each other, and resistance to conflict.
This paper found that the factors causing Tarekat Cukir were voting for PPP as a channeling of their political aspirations were: first, Santri dependence on their Mursyid. It is a spiritual relation, which if it is not carried out it is feared that will result in a disconnected in the spiritual relationship between them.
Second, the efforts to dominate another. PPP does not want the Tarekat Cukir to be separated from the influence of them under the pretext of historical heritage and theological factors. While, Tarekat Cukir is an effort to bring PPP closer to the practice of Sufism. This finding reinforces the power relation is not constant, but it is dynamic.